Wednesday, April 3, 2013

Debate on Maine labor bills gets heated

AUGUSTA, Maine (AP) -- A legislative hearing on two Republican-sponsored bills that would make Maine a right-to-work state and reduce the power of unions got heated.

The bills at issue on Monday were introduced by Amherst Republican state Rep. Lawrence Lockman.

One would prohibit mandatory union membership or payment of union dues as a condition of employment.

The other would eliminate a provision in state law that automatically deducts public-sector union dues from state workers' paychecks, regardless of union membership.

Independent state Rep. James Campbell of Newfield was ruled out of order for speaking against the bills. The 79-year-old Campbell suggested that some people want to roll back the minimum wage to the 75 cents an honor he made when he was younger.

The bills face an uphill battle in a Democratic-controlled legislature.

Source: http://news.yahoo.com/debate-maine-labor-bills-gets-151707431.html

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Tuesday, April 2, 2013

'G.I. Joe: Retaliation' Annihilates Box Office With $41 Million Debut

Bruce Willis and The Rock's action sequel enjoys second-highest Easter weekend debut in history.
By Ryan J. Downey


Dwayne Johnson in "G.I. Joe: Retaliation"
Photo: Paramount

Source: http://www.mtv.com/news/articles/1704661/gi-joe-retaliation-box-office-debut.jhtml

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US restraint in Syria could aid Iran nuclear talks

FILE - In this Oct. 30, 2012 file photo, a group of Free Syrian Army fighters carry a wounded comrade to cover in the town of Harem, Syria. President Barack Obama?s reluctance to give military aid to Syrian rebels may be simply explained in part in three words: Iranian nuclear weapons. For the first time in years, the United States has seen a glimmer of hope in persuading Iran to curb its nuclear enrichment program so it cannot quickly or easily make an atomic bomb. Negotiations resume this week in Almaty, Kazakhstan, where encouraging talks in February between six world powers and the Islamic Republic ended in what Iranian diplomat Saeed Jalili called a ?turning point? after multiple thwarted steps toward a breakthrough. (AP Photo/Mustafa Karali, File)

FILE - In this Oct. 30, 2012 file photo, a group of Free Syrian Army fighters carry a wounded comrade to cover in the town of Harem, Syria. President Barack Obama?s reluctance to give military aid to Syrian rebels may be simply explained in part in three words: Iranian nuclear weapons. For the first time in years, the United States has seen a glimmer of hope in persuading Iran to curb its nuclear enrichment program so it cannot quickly or easily make an atomic bomb. Negotiations resume this week in Almaty, Kazakhstan, where encouraging talks in February between six world powers and the Islamic Republic ended in what Iranian diplomat Saeed Jalili called a ?turning point? after multiple thwarted steps toward a breakthrough. (AP Photo/Mustafa Karali, File)

FILE- In this April, 9, 2007, file photo, Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad speaks at a ceremony in Iran's nuclear enrichment facility in Natanz, south of capital Tehran, Iran. President Barack Obama?s reluctance to give military aid to Syrian rebels may be simply explained in part in three words: Iranian nuclear weapons. For the first time in years, the United States has seen a glimmer of hope in persuading Iran to curb its nuclear enrichment program so it cannot quickly or easily make an atomic bomb. But Tehran is unlikely to bend to Washington?s will on its nuclear program if it is battling American-supplied rebels at the same time in Syria, where Iranian forces are believed to be fighting alongside the Assad regime?s army. (AP Photo/Hasan Sarbakhshian, File)

In this Tuesday, April 2, 2013 image taken from video obtained from Shaam News Network, which has been authenticated based on its contents and other AP reporting, shows smoke from heavy shelling in the Jobar neighborhood in north Damascus, Syria. Syrian government warplanes and artillery pounded Damascus and its suburbs Tuesday, as rebels in the northern city of Aleppo launched an operation that aims to free hundreds of political detainees from the city's central prison, activists said. (AP Photo/Shaam News Network)

(AP) ? President Barack Obama's reluctance to give military aid to Syrian rebels may be explained, in part, in three words: Iranian nuclear weapons.

For the first time in years, the United States has seen a glimmer of hope in persuading Iran to curb its nuclear enrichment program so it cannot quickly or easily make an atomic bomb. Negotiations resume this week in Almaty, Kazakhstan, where encouraging talks in February between six world powers and the Islamic Republic ended in what Iranian diplomat Saeed Jalili called a "turning point" after multiple thwarted steps toward a breakthrough.

But Tehran is unlikely to bend to Washington's will on its nuclear program if it is fighting American-supplied rebels at the same time in Syria. Tehran is Syrian President Bashar Assad's chief backer in the two-year civil war that, by U.N. estimates, has left at least 70,000 people dead. Iranian forces are believed to be fighting alongside the regime's army in Syria, and a senior commander of Iran's elite Revolutionary Guard force was killed outside Damascus in February.

Russia also is supplying Assad's forces with arms. And the U.S. does not want to risk alienating Russia, one of the six negotiating nations also seeking to limit Iran's nuclear program, by entering what would amount to a proxy war in Syria.

The White House has at least for now put the nuclear negotiations ahead of intervening in Syria, according to diplomats, former Obama administration officials and experts. Opposition forces in Syria are in disarray and commanded in some areas by a jihadist group linked to al-Qaida. Preventing Iran from building a nuclear bomb remains a top priority for the Obama administration, which has been bent on ending wars ? not opening new military fronts.

"I think that the United States has not taken a more active role in Syria from the beginning because they didn't want to disturb the possibility, to give them space, to negotiate with Iran," Javier Solana, the former European Union foreign policy chief, said Monday at a Brookings Institution discussion about this week's talks. Solana, who was a top negotiator with Tehran in the nuclear program until 2009, added, "They probably knew that getting very engaged against Assad, engaged even militarily, could contribute to a break in the potential negotiations with Tehran."

Solana also warned of frostier relations between Moscow and Washington that could scuttle success in both areas. "With Russia, we need to be much more engaged in order to resolve the Syrian problem and, at the end, the question of Tehran," he said.

Adding to the mix is the unpredictable relationship between the U.S. and China, which has been leery of harsh Western sanctions on Iran and is expected to follow Russia's lead on the nuclear negotiations. Without Russia and China's support, experts say, the West will have little success in reaching a compromise with Iran.

"Resolving the nuclear impasse with Iran is the biggest challenge this year in the Middle East, and that requires careful handling of not only Iran, but Russia and China," said retired Ambassador James F. Jeffrey, who followed the negotiations closely as the top U.S. envoy to Baghdad last year. "Decisions on Syria and other international questions certainly will be taken in this context."

The White House refused comment, and a senior State Department official played down a direct linkage between the two national security priorities.

The negotiations have indirect, if wide-reaching, links to regional affairs that include Syria but also go beyond, including the U.S. military presence in the Persian Gulf, Washington's uneasy detente with Baghdad and Israel's undeclared nuclear arsenal ? the only one of its kind in the Mideast. Iran has often said it wants to use the nuclear talks as a possible springboard for other negotiations on regional issues, such as its call for a nuclear-free Middle East ? Tehran's way of trying to push for more international accountability on Israel's nuclear program.

Off-and-on talks between Iran and the world powers ? the United States, China, Russia, Britain, France and Germany, known as P5+1 ? began after the six nations offered Tehran a series of incentives in 2006 in exchange for a commitment to stop uranium enrichment and other activities that could be used to make weapons. Iran long has maintained that it is enriching uranium only to make reactor fuel and medical isotopes, and insists it has a right to do so under international law. Last summer, the U.S. and E.U. hit Iran's economy and oil industry with tough sanctions to force it to comply.

But Iran has continued its program despite the sanctions. In February, in an attempt to move flagging negotiations forward, the world powers offered broader concessions to Iran, including letting it keep a limited amount of enriched uranium and suspend ? but not fully close ? a bunker-like nuclear facility near the holy city Qom. The world powers' offer, which also included removing some of the Western sanctions, was hailed by Iran as an important step forward in the process.

Few expect any major breakthroughs in the negotiations beginning this week until after Iran's presidential election in June.

Meanwhile, fighting in Syria has only intensified, and fears that Assad's forces used chemical weapons on rebel fighters in March brought the U.S. closer than ever to sending military aid to the opposition. Yet Obama has resisted pressures from foreign allies, Congress and his own advisers to arm the rebels or at least supply them with military equipment, or to use targeted airstrikes to destroy some of Assad's warplanes. The U.S. is helping train some former Syrian army soldiers ? mostly Sunni and tribal Bedouins ? in neighboring Jordan, which officials describe as non-lethal aid.

Part of Obama's reluctance, officials say, is the fear that U.S. weapons could end up in the hands of jihadists affiliated with al-Qaida. Of top concern is the Jabhat al-Nusra, a wing of the Islamic State of Iraq which, in turn, blames Iran for supporting the Shiite-led government in Baghdad.

"Since we are now looking more at a pending regime collapse in Damascus that has a strong potential to turn it into a launch pad for transnational jihadism, Washington is more interested in a negotiated settlement, which involves talking to Iran," said Kamran Bokhari, a Toronto-based expert on Mideast issues for the global intelligence company Stratfor.

Obama has been firm in his belief that Assad must go, and has predicted it will happen sooner than later. But he has been equally adamant that Iran must be stopped from acquiring nuclear weapons.

"A nuclear-armed Iran would be a threat to the region, a threat to the world and potentially an existential threat to Israel," Obama said at a March 20 news conference in Jerusalem, flanked by Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. "And we agree on our goal. We do not have a policy of containment when it comes to a nuclear Iran."

Assad's fall would strip Iran of its closest ally in the volatile Mideast and perhaps spur the Islamic Republic to aggressively pursue a nuclear weapon as it faces further isolation. At the same time, it could encourage Tehran to make modest concessions on nuclear talks to relieve pressure from the West, said Gary Samore, who in February left the White House as Obama's coordinator for arms control and weapons of mass destruction and is now at the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University.

"You can argue it either way, but in the end I think the collapse of Assad makes a nuclear deal more likely, because the Supreme Leader (Ayatollah Ali Khamenei) will feel more isolated, under greater pressure, more likely to make tactical concessions in order to relieve further isolation and pressure," Samore said Monday. "Of course, that is not going to change his fundamental interest in acquiring a nuclear weapons capability. I think it will confirm for him that the best way to defend himself against countries like the United States is to have that capacity."

___

Associated Press writer Brian Murphy in Dubai, United Arab Emirates, contributed to this report.

___

Lara Jakes has covered national security for The Associated Press since 2005 and is a former AP chief of bureau in Baghdad. Follow her on Twitter at: https://twitter.com/@larajakesAP

Associated Press

Source: http://hosted2.ap.org/apdefault/89ae8247abe8493fae24405546e9a1aa/Article_2013-04-02-US-Syria-Iran-Nuclear/id-48cbf52067124b6eb9b7f754e013d297

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Hamas re-elects Mashaal as its leader

CAIRO (AP) ? The Islamic militant group Hamas on Monday re-elected longtime leader Khaled Mashaal, officials said, choosing a relative pragmatist who has sparred with movement hardliners in the past over his attempt to reconcile with Western-backed Palestinian rivals.

The secretive Hamas did not issue an announcement, but Mashaal's re-election was confirmed by two Hamas officials. The vote late Monday capped a year of internal elections spread over several countries and shrouded in mystery.

The Qatar-based Mashaal, 56, has led Hamas since 1996 and won another four-year term. He ran unopposed and won the support of a majority in Hamas' Shura Council which has about 60 members, said the two Hamas officials who spoke on condition of anonymity because they were not permitted to discuss the secret election with reporters.

Mashaal enjoys the backing of regional powers Turkey, Egypt and Qatar, countries where Hamas' parent movement, the region-wide Muslim Brotherhood, is influential.

It's not clear if his re-election will give him enough clout to pursue reconciliation or if hardliners, particularly those based in the Gaza Strip, will be able to veto a deal.

Hamas wrested Gaza from Mahmoud Abbas, the internationally backed Palestinian president, in 2007, leaving him with only parts of the West Bank. Since then, the rivals have established separate governments that have become increasingly entrenched in their respective territories.

Last year, Mashaal and Abbas, who have cordial relations, reached a deal whereby Abbas would head an interim government of technocrats in the West Bank and Gaza. This government would have paved the way for general elections.

However, the deal never got off the ground because of opposition from Hamas leaders in Gaza and senior figures in Abbas' Fatah movement. Hamas leaders in Gaza were particularly vehement in their objections, apparently fearing that a unity deal would give Abbas a new foothold in Gaza and weaken Hamas' grip on the territory.

Last week, the emir of Qatar proposed holding a reconciliation conference in Egypt in coming weeks to set up a timetable for forming the interim government and holding elections.

Mashaal's re-election could further distance Hamas from long-time patron Iran, which has supplied cash and weapons to the Hamas government in Gaza. Hamas broke with another long-time ally, Syrian President Bashar Assad, more than a year ago, over Assad's brutal crackdown on a popular revolt that turned into an armed insurgency.

Mashaal's relations with Iran cooled after he refused to back Assad, an Iranian ally, and Mashaal last visited Tehran in November 2011.

Other senior Hamas figures continue to visit Tehran and ties have not broken off, but Mashaal has found a new home in Qatar, one of Iran's regional rivals.

Hamas was founded in Gaza in 1987, as an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood. It has four components ? activists in Gaza, in the West Bank, in exile and those imprisoned by Israel. In the internal elections, each of the four groups chose local leaders as well as delegates to the Shura Council.

This council selects a decision-making political bureau and the head of that body ? the stage that was wrapped up in Cairo on Monday. Details about the composition of the political bureau were not available Monday.

Mashaal is seen as a member of the more pragmatic wing of Hamas, in connection with the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

He and others in Hamas insist the movement will not recognize Israel and renounce violence ? Western conditions for dealing with Hamas.

Mashaal has suggested he could accept a Palestinian state alongside Israel, though he has not said if such a state would end the conflict, or be an interim step to an Islamic state in all of historic Palestine, including what is now Israel.

Mashaal has also come out in support of so-called popular resistance against Israeli occupation, a term Palestinians use for marches and stone-throwing protests. In previous rounds of conflict, Hamas gunmen and suicide bombers have killed hundreds of Israelis in attacks.

___

Laub reported from Ramallah, West Bank.

Source: http://news.yahoo.com/hamas-elects-mashaal-leader-193105438.html

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Monday, April 1, 2013

A man with one name is playing with shadow puppets on an Indonesian volcano

I've returned to Indonesia after a decade away. The country was where I became a reporter, and in many ways was where I was cursed (and blessed) with a certain estrangement from the country that spawned me.

I arrived in 1993 with a vague idea that I'd like to be a reporter, with no idea of what that really meant. I had come to visit a friend for a few weeks after finishing college and tramped around, ignorant but enchanted, until the little bit of money I had saved up ran out.

Even now, memories of my first few days here are among the freshest I own. The ubiquitous odor of cloves, added to the national cigarette that remains a major health scourge. The roving food-peddlers of the Jakarta night and the special sounds advertising their wares; the rasping tick-tick-tick of a chopstick on an upturned wok advertising fried rice; a man cooing "tahu, tahu" selling fried tofu; the higher pitched and more rapid "satay, satay, satay" for grilled and heavily sauced meat on a stick; and the roaring whoosh of a gas stove when their kitchens on wheels had earned a customer, usually one of the night watchmen or weary day-laborers on their way home.

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Most of all I remember the kindness of people I met, everywhere. Rich ones. But especially the poor. A family came across me tramping between rice fields on Lombok, the island just east of Bali, and they insisted I come for dinner. I stayed for three days, not understanding as I do now what a drain an extra mouth to feed was on their limited finances. They never let on. As I made my way back by ferry and minibus and train to Jakarta, families lined up to share their food and jokes with me, steering me in the right direction and safely home to my friend in Jakarta.

On my next to last day in Jakarta (I had a flight home of course) I met a woman who I've never seen again. I mentioned this vague idea of being a reporter. She immediately perked up, said she knew someone at The Jakarta Post, and that they were always looking for native English speakers to work as copy editors for the capital city's main English language newspaper. She wrote down a number for me, I called, and within a few days I was hired on for a little shy of $200 a month.

It was a night job for the daily newspaper, starting at about 5 and running til midnight. My days were free to explore the Post's library stacks and study the language. In the early evening, when work was slow, various editors and senior reporters there tolerantly schooled me in modern Indonesian politics, for no other reason than I was there and asking.

Time went on, I went to work for Bloomberg, and then the Far Eastern Economic Review, and eventually The Christian Science Monitor, before I left. For a brief time Indonesia, this sprawling, dizzyingly diverse country was actually interesting to US readers. There was the fall of the long-standing dictator Soeharto, with shades of what was to come in Egypt over a decade later (more on the connection, or lack of it, between Egypt and Indonesia in the coming days); a punishing economic collapse; years of turmoil and sectarian violence that had people doubting the stability of the country; and a wave of Al Qaeda style terrorism at the end of the 1990s through the early 2000s that had people wondering (bizarrely, especially in hindsight) if Indonesia was a "front" in the United States' newly-minted War on Terrorism.

Then, well, things started to get better. The economy righted itself, democracy of a sort started to take hold, and the handful of locals inspired by Al Qaeda were killed, captured, or gave it up to get on with their lives. For the US press, by and large, Indonesia wasn't a "story" anymore. I leaped at the chance to go to Iraq when asked in 2003.

The paper has given me a chance to come back after a decade and poke around for a few weeks, to see what's gone right, what's gone wrong, and what dangers lie ahead. I am very, very grateful for the chance. My first trip is to Ambon, at the heart of what were once known as the Spice Islands, tomorrow.

This weekend was mostly social, catching up with old friends. Which brings me back to the title of this post. They reminded me of an ongoing, national pet peeve (for those who read the foreign press). In what I hope will be a very prolific series of stories and posts about Indonesia you can count on three things. You will never read that a person quoted "like many Indonesians, only goes by one name" (which is frequently untrue anyways). There will be no descriptions of Indonesian politics, business, or society being "like a smoldering volcano" (Indonesia famously is on the Pacific ring of fire). And there will be no comparisons of Indonesian politics to wayang, the shadow puppet plays that loom so large, even today, in Javanese folklore and society.

I'm probably going to get plenty wrong. But I'm getting that out of the way up front.

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Source: http://news.yahoo.com/man-one-name-playing-shadow-puppets-indonesian-volcano-135051004.html

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AT&T HTC One pre-orders reportedly will begin April 5 for $250

HTC One

'Exclusive' 64GB model to come later at $299.99, internal screens show

According to some training information obtained by Engadget (above), the HTC One could be up for pre-order at AT&T as early as this week. While we could've pretty easily guessed between a couple of possible prices for the device, we're looking at a cool $249.99 on-contract for the 32GB version in either black or silver casing. While there is no specific launch date for the 'exclusive' 64GB model, it is said to be up for sale eventually at $299.99 with no indication of potential pre-orders.

Be on the lookout for an official announcement from AT&T in the coming days, as rumor has it that you'll be able to get a head start a day earlier online if you're anxious to get your hands on the HTC One. T-Mobile has also revealed some pricing information on its HTC One, but there's no official launch date there either.

Source: Engadget
 More: Read our complete HTC One review; HTC One Forums

read more



Source: http://feedproxy.google.com/~r/androidcentral/~3/tBdlk1fVFso/story01.htm

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Bring Back the Afro

A 1974 photo of actress Pam Grier at an unknown location.  Pam Grier in 1974.

Photo by AP

She was the baddest one-chick hit squad to ever hit town. The freak with the ?fro. I?m talkin? ?bout Miss Sweet Brown Sugar With a Touch of Spice. A sistah with drive who don?t take no jive. I am talking about the Vanessa-muthafuckin?-Redgrave of Blaxsploitation movies. Have no fear, Pam Grier is here.

You?ll have to excuse my profanity. I recently spent an entire week YouTube-ing Pam Grier?s ?70s oeuvre. By the time I was done, my brain had absorbed the raw rhythms and bad-ass expletives of ?70s black street culture. Now it?s virtually impossible for me to engage in conversation without suddenly calling someone, anyone, a dumb-ass jive turkey, and such.

My Grier research had a purpose. I scored an interview with Miss Grier at the opening of last month?s Pam Grier retrospective at the New York Film Society, and I really wanted to have my shit together, man. You dig? So I made my way through Black Mama, White Mama; Greased Lightning; Foxy Brown; and the rest. It was a life-changing experience. Miss Grier, the first blacktress to headline as an action star, was a taboo-busting screen goddess. Her specialty? Thanks to her outdoorsy Huck Finn childhood, the fearless Pam could fire a gun without blinking. I also have to admit that I came away with a rabid and renewed appreciation for that luscious afro.

In Scream, Blacula, Scream, Pam?s ?fro is short and tight and neat as a pin. In Coffy, it?s longer and more dandelion-shaped. In both instances it is an object of beauty, even when there are razor blades nestling in its recesses.

As I watched Pam machine-gunning her way to cult superstardom, I recalled the other afro-queens of yore: Remember Marsha Hunt?the original cast member of Hair, the icon of playbills and posters, and the co-creator, with Mick Jagger, of a child she named Karis? And then there were the Black Panther afro-activists like Angela Davis and Kathleen Cleaver. Kathleen, wife of Eldridge, was a loud and proud afro-advocate, who accessorized her ?fro with hoop earrings and giant sunglasses.

I remembered fash-fro queens like Pat Cleveland and stylish songbirds like Minnie Ripperton (mother of Maya Rudolph), whose signature flourish was to augment her teased hairdo with sprigs of baby?s breath.

The afro had it all: It was natural, symbolic, regal, unisex, and glamorous. Liberated from the costly and time-consuming burden of trying to make their hair resemble that of white folk, black chicks?and dudes?had found the perfect marriage of style and practicality. And yet ? styles change, and fashion evolves, and the afro has?with the exception of occasional retro-hipster sighting on Broadway below Eighth Street?become as rare as a dodo.

It is impossible to imagine Beyonc? or Kerry Washington or Michelle Obama rocking a Pam Grier afro today (though Beyonc? paid a retro-camp tribute to the style in the 2002 Austin Powers movie). The alternatives?$2,000 weaves, time-consuming blowouts, and scalp-searing chemical processing?seem infinitely less desirable, and yet, African-Americans have largely turned their backs on the freaky ?fro. But what does this honky know?

During the course of my on-stage conversation with the inspirational Pam, the subject of coiffures came up repeatedly. La Grier, who on this gala occasion was wearing her hair in a silky high-lit, marcel-waved waterfall, was more than happy to talk wigs and weaves. When I expressed my longing for the return of the afro, Pam was quick to splash a little reality on my nostalgic longings. According to Lady Grier, it?s not as low-maintenance as it looks.

Actress Pam Grier speaks onstage at the "Foxy, The Complete Pam Grier" Film Series at Walter Reade Theater on March 15, 2013 in New York City.  (Photo by Michael Loccisano/Getty Images) Actress Pam Grier speaks onstage at the Walter Reade Theater on March 15 in New York City.

Photo by Michael Loccisano/Getty Images

The most difficult challenge occurs upon waking. The act of sleeping wreaks havoc on the dandelion perfection of that carefully picked afro. As Pam pointed out, ?You go to sleep looking gorgeous, and you wake up and it?s all flattened on one side like a brick wall.? According to Pam, ?No amount of picking is going to pull it out. You need to take a garden rake to that shit.?

Also, the weather is not your friend: ?You are walking down the street thinking you be looking so fly, so cool, and the wind comes up and suddenly you all flat up the backside of your head, lookin? like a crazy person.?

Pam?s words did nothing to dampen my afro-ardor. I take comfort from the fact that style is a cyclical mutha and that everything comes back into fashion, eventually. The current global obsession with pin-straight hair will run its course, and the afro, and maybe even the jewfro, will return in all its glory.

Thanks to the current unpopularity of the afro, afro picks can be purchased at rock-bottom prices. I recently paid $10 for a box of a 50 from a beauty supply store in Harlem. These objets d?art make great gifts and can be used to tweak and tease non-afro coiffures. The grooviest picks have a Black Power fist in place of a handle. The revolution is coming, and it will be YouTubed. So get your pick now and start practicing.

Source: http://feeds.slate.com/click.phdo?i=b71f252abd3db8456600ef1a48b64bd9

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